NEW YORK – The capture of Laurent Gbagbo module modify months of unmerciful fighting, but won’t ameliorate the cancer of discordant nationalism and ethnic persuasion that hit game the West individual nation, writes Mvemba Phezo Dizolele.
The capture of Ivory Coast’s crenellate president, Laurent Gbagbo, by forces hardcore to his challenger, Alassane Ouattara—backed by the French expeditionary and United Nations peacekeepers—signals an modify to the unmerciful offend that has unfit the West individual country, and clears the way for Ouattara to eventually assume the presidency. The showdown with Gbagbo’s personnel in the business capital, Abidjan, was the termination of a bloody three-month effort crossways such of the land that has mitt some 1,500 grouping dead, with more than 800 killed in the town of Duékoué alone.
This alarming saga began with the oppose November statesmanly election. After a charged but mostly peaceful crusade packed with memorable, impressive televised debates, the country’s Electoral Commission declared Ouattara the winner. Gbagbo’s band oppose the results before the Constitutional Court, which has final authority, alleging massive fraud in Federal provinces dominated by pro-Ouattara rebels. After deliberation, the court backward the decision and declared Gbagbo victorious. The U.N., which helped organize and monitor the elections, sided with the Electoral Commission and addicted that Ouattara had won. Gbagbo rejected the verdict, swore an dedication of office, and acknowledged himself added five-year term.
The Economic Community of West individual States, the individual Union, and Western powers refused to play along. They recognized Ouattara as the president-elect and titled for Gbagbo to travel down. Gbagbo rebuffed their efforts, declaring, “I module impact with every the countries of the world, but I module never give up our sovereignty.” With the hold of the individual Union, the West stepped up the pressure, refusing to recognize Gbagbo’s ambassadors and freezing his assets abroad. Via broadcasting and television, as substantially as brachiate supporters, the Gbagbo and Ouattara camps rattled on added for months, apiece claiming legitimacy over the other. The embody calculate mounted.
Then France, the past complex power, brought in the big guns. Ostensibly to protect its 12,000 nationals supported in the country, the French military, acting under a U.N. mandate, seized Abidjan’s planetary airport and took curb of Ivory Coast’s airspace. With U.N. peacekeepers, it shelled the domestic television station, expeditionary positions, and the statesmanly palace. Gbagbo retreated into a bunker; his loyalists capitulated. The chair asked for a cease-fire, exclusive to uphold fighting. Throughout, Gbagbo remained defiant and insisted he was the lawful president. metropolis remained tense and faced the possible appendage of starvation.
At this juncture, Ivorians requirement a healer as such as the land needs intellectual leadership. What’s unfolding today guarantees neither.
Now that Gbagbo has been apprehended, however, his feat module not ameliorate the cancer of discordant nationalism and ethnic persuasion that hit game Ivory Coast since 1993. In fact, Ouattara’s boast could apace prove to be a Pyrrhic victory.
Whether Ouattara lawfully won the election module hardly concern such to the jillions of Ivorians who voted for his opponent. They today analyse Ouattara as the candidate of the West. The external expeditionary intervention module ready him from claiming the mantle of a democrat. Instead, he module be viewed as the contender who lost establishment in the egalitarian impact and shelled his way into the statesmanly mansion. His raise to the tenure module be perceived more as a takeover d’état than a veritable conclusion at the balloting box.
Africa is flooded with grassroots contestant body who hit been denied conclusion at the polls by defiant incumbents. Just countenance at Kenya and Zimbabwe. Beyond the usual disapproving communiqués, however, neither of those countries has been subjected to such a heavy-handed intervention by the West. Electoral affronts notwithstanding, neither Kenya’s Raila Odinga nor Zimbabwe’s Morgan Tsvangirai has resorted to brachiate rebellion. Sticking to the egalitarian process, they continue to fisticuffs their rivals—the intransigent incumbents—in court, at the polls, digit balloting at a time, and with power-sharing arrangements.
In contrast, the aggrieved parties on both sides of the offend in Ivory Coast endowed lowermost efforts in a balloting recount or a power-sharing commendation as steps to a lasting, unexceptionable solution. Ouattara and his Western backers were instead hot to move their expeditionary arsenals. But the ingest of autocratic effectuation to forcefully establish the presumed succeeder of a contentious election is in itself a paradox. Not to name that story has repeatedly demonstrated that seizing power finished expeditionary might rarely leads to democracy.
It wasn’t every that daylong past that, like Ouattara today, Gbagbo himself was in the opposition. A French-trained historian and past Lincoln professor, he emerged on the semipolitical scene in the 1970s as a member of the contestant to the late President Félix Houphouët-Boigny’s iron-fisted one-party regime. When he took duty in 2000, Ivorians expected the newborn chair to unstoppered up the impact and apace physique a polity of domestic unity. To their dismay, Gbagbo proceeded as if he had won a flooded mandate. He appointed representatives of small parties into his polity but kept field semipolitical figures out of the administration. Just digit years later, a rebellion poor out. Rebels demanded that Gbagbo depart and newborn elections be held. He refused. The ensuing war separated the land in two.
Today, the concern accord has secured Gbagbo’s departure. In his place, it backs Ouattara, an economist who built a stellar occupation at the International Monetary Fund and the West individual bicentric bank. Ironically, as president, Ouattara haw be beholden to his planetary backers at the expense of his fellow Ivorians. Once in office, he module hit to clear author backwards for its expeditionary and semipolitical support. The loyalists who fought on his side module sure verify the reins of land institutions. In the end, these entanglements could relegate the routine grouping of Ivory Coast to the lowermost of his priorities. The recent proliferation of militias and brachiate groups has effectively overturned the land into a Wild West. Ouattara haw be tempted to bill a land of emergency rule at the outset, which boost undermines the egalitarian transition. At this juncture, Ivorians requirement a healer as such as the land needs intellectual leadership. What’s unfolding today guarantees neither.
Mvemba Phezo Dizolele is the Peter J. Duignan Distinguished Visiting Fellow 2009-2012 at the Hoover Institution on War, Revolution and Peace, Stanford University.
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